Flying Machines
of 24 – Hudson
In February of 1938, Lockheed undertook a preliminary study of a military
version of the Model 14 Super Electra airliner. It was envisaged as
an armed general reconnaissance aircraft with a secondary bombing
capability. Work on a wooden mockup as well as preliminary engineering
data had already begun when the British Purchasing Commission arrived
in the USA in the spring of 1938 looking for combat aircraft. It just
so happened that the Commission was looking for a general reconnaissance
aircraft for the Royal Air Force, just the type that the Lockheed
company was working on. Lockheed worked frantically to get the mockup
and the engineering report ready, and the British Purchasing Commission
was sufficiently impressed that Lockheed was invited to send a delegation
to London for further negotiations with the Air Ministry.
The military version
of the Model 14 airliner, named B14 by the company, was to be a fairly
straightforward conversion of the Super Electra. It was to seat a
crew of four: a pilot, a bombardier, a navigator/radio operator, and
a rear gunner. It retained the wing, tail surfaces, and engines of
the Lockheed 14-WF62, which was the export version of the Super Electra
powered by Wright SGR-2820-F62 Cyclone engines rated at 900 hp for
takeoff and 760 hp at 5800 feet. However, the B14 differed from the
Super Electra in featuring a modified fuselage with nose and dorsal
turrets (each equipped with a single flexible machine gun), a large
bomb bay in the lower centre fuselage (where the cargo hold was located
on the airliner version), and a navigator's station behind the wing
trailing edge fitted with a single ventral flexible aft-firing machine
gun.
The RAF did not
like this crew configuration for a general reconnaissance aircraft,
and recommended that the navigator be relocated to a position much
closer to the pilot. In addition, it was felt that the nose gun turret
would probably interfere with forward vision. These suggestions were
readily adopted by Lockeed, which produced a revised mockup within
24 hours. The nose turret was eliminated, and the navigator was moved
forward to a position right behind the flight deck. The navigator
was also given the bombardier's role, for which he would shift into
the transparent nose when releasing the bombs. The radio operator
took his former position behind the bomb bay, where he operated the
ventral machine gun. The original dorsal gunner's position was retained.
The potential competition for the Lockheed design consisted of versions
of the Boeing B-17 and the Douglas B-18. These all promised to be
considerably more expensive than the Lockheed proposal and would probably
not be available in sufficiently large quantities in the time needed.
Another advantage for Lockheed was that the British were already well
aware of the qualities of the Model 10, 12, and 14 series of commercial
airliners, the first two types having been in service in the UK for
over a year, with the Model 14 about to enter service.
A Lockheed team,
including Courtlandt Gross, Clarence "Kelly" Johnson, Carl
Squier, Richard Von Hake, and Robert Proctor, went over to the UK
to negotiate with the Air Ministry. During the course of meetings
between the Lockheed team and the Air Ministry, a decision was reached
to replace the proposed dorsal turret with a Boulton Paul turret carrying
a pair of 0.303-inch machine guns and to mount a pair of 0.303-inch
machine guns in a fixed forward-firing position in the upper nose
over the navigator's position. The bombload was decreased to 1600
pounds, made up of four 250-lb bombs and ten 100-lb bombs. The engines
were changed to a pair of 1100 hp Wright GR-1820- G102A nine-cylinder
air-cooled radials. On June 23, 1938, the Air Ministry agreed to order
200 Model B14Ls (RAF serials N7205/N7404), plus as many more that
could be delivered by December of 1939, up to a maximum of 250 aircraft.
With the RAF order,
Lockheed suddenly had a lot more business than it could handle. Lockheed
needed a fresh infusion of cash to get the project off the ground,
and borrowed $1.25 million dollars in short-term loans and raised
another three million dollars by issuing more stock. The work force
was drastically increased. Since Lockheed's Burbank plant had limited
floor space, a good deal of the subassembly had to be farmed out to
Rohr Aircraft of San Diego.
The first prototype B14L (RAF serial N7205) began flight testing at
Burbank on December 10, 1938. It had no armament, but was fitted with
a dummy dorsal turret. Since the aircraft was a more-or-less straightforward
conversion of the existing and proven Model 14, testing went forward
rapidly and relatively few problems were encountered.
In the meantime, the Australian government had ordered an initial
batch of 50 Model B14S aircraft, powered by Pratt & Whitney Twin
Wasp SC3-G engines.
The type was given
the name Hudson Mk. I by the Royal Air Force. Deliveries to the RAF
began on February 15, 1939. Forty aircraft had been built by June
of 1939. Since the British government had promised to buy 50 more
examples if the initial order for 200 could be delivered on time,
a lot of money was riding on getting production of the Hudson going
as rapidly as possible. The efforts succeeded, and the 250th Hudson
had been built by October of 1939, well ahead of the deadline.
The first 200
Hudson Mk.1s were assigned British military serials N7205/N7404 (construction
numbers B14L-1601/1749, 1751/1777, 1780/1803). The RAF subsequently
ordered 150 more, with additional serials P5116/P5165 (c/n B14L-1805/1854)
and T9266/T9365 (c/n 214-2301/2400). Another Hudson Mk.1 (R4059, c/n
B14L-1804) was built as a replacement for N7260, which had been written
off before delivery. They were all powered by two Wright GR-1820-G102A
nine- cylinder radials, each rated at 1100 hp for takeoff and 900
hp at 6700 feet. The engines drove three-bladed, two-position propellers.
The armament consisted of a pair of 0.303-inch fixed forward-firing
machine guns in the upper nose, plus a pair of 0.303-inch guns in
a Boulton Paul turret (which was installed in the United Kingdom after
delivery). Up to 1400 pounds of bombs or depth charges could be carried
in an internal bomb bay. The normal crew was five.
Initially, Hudson deliveries to the United Kingdom were made by sea,
with aircraft being put aboard ship at Long Beach, California or flown
to Floyd Bennett Field, New York for partial disassembly and transatlantic
shipment. Final assembly took place at the British Reassembly Division,
Lockheed Ltd at Speke Airport near Liverpool.
In September of
1939, following the outbreak of war in Europe, the US Congress had
passed the Neutrality Act, which specifically prohibited US citizens
from delivering arms to the warring parties. This immediately halted
the delivery of combat aircraft and other arms to Britain and France.
However, since the loss of European business threatened to reduce
funding and research for new US aircraft, the Neutrality Act was amended
in November of 1939 to permit arms sales on a cash-and-carry basis.
Since the British and French were paying for their planes in gold,
the deliveries could resume.
In order to follow
the strict letter of the Neutrality Act law, some rather farcical
measures had to be employed. For example, combat aircraft sold to
foreign air forces could not actually be physically transferred to
their buyers on American soil. Consequently, Lockheed flew many of
its newly-built Hudsons to an airfield at Pembina on the US-Canadian
border with North Dakota. The Hudsons were landed on the American
side of the airstrip, which extended into Canada. Once the ownership
paperwork was completed, the aircraft were then towed across the border
to Canada.
The Hudson proved
to be easy to fly. Three-point landings were not the norm, and the
aircraft usually took off and landed on its mainwheels with no more
than 60 percent of its massive Fowler flaps being used on the landing
approach. If flaps were extended further, loss of pitch control could
take place.
All but 31 of
the Hudson Mk.I aircraft were assigned to the Royal Air Force. Of
these 31, two (P5163 and P5164) went to the South African government,
28 went directly to the Royal Canadian Air Force, and one (N7260)
was destroyed before delivery. The RCAF machines were given Canadian
serials 759/786, which corresponded to RAF serials N7344/N7350, N7352,
N7354, N7355, N7356, N7360, N7370, N7371, N7375, N7380, N7381, N7373,
N7382, N7384, N7385, N7383, N7387, N7385, N7386, N7388, N7389, N7390,
and N7391. In RAF service, N7220 was converted into a VIP transport
and N7364 became G-AGAR while serving with No. 2 Camouflage Unit.
The RAAF B14Ss powered by Pratt & Whitney Twin Wasp SCE-Gs were
initaily known as Hudson Mk.Is, but were later redesignated Nudson
Mk.IV.
Specification
of Lockheed Hudson Mk.I
Two Wright R-1820-G102A
air-cooled radial engines, rated at 1100 hp for takeoff and 900 hp
at 6700 feet. Performance: Maximum speed 246 mph at 6500 feet, cruising
speed 220 mph. Initial climb rate 2180 feet per minute. Service ceiling
25,000 feet. Range 1960 miles. Weights: 11,630 pounds empty, 17,500
pounds loaded. Dimensions: Wingspan 65 feet 6 inches, length 44 feet
4 inches, height 11 feet 10 inches, wing area 551 square feet. Armament:
Two fixed, forward-firing 0.303-inch Browning machine guns mounted
in the nose above the bombardier-s windows plus two 0.303-inch machine
guns in a dorsal Boulton Paul power turret. Four 250-pound bombs or
ten 100-pound bombs could be carried in an internal bomb bay.
Sources:
Lockheed's Made-Over Bomber, Freeman Westell, Wings, Vol 26, No. 6,
p. 46 (1996).
Lockheed Aircraft Since 1913, Rene J. Francillon, Naval Institute
Press, 1987
British Military Aircraft Serials, 1912-1969, Bruce Robertson, Ian
Allen, 1969.
THE
24 SQUADRON CHEVRON AND AIRCRAFT MARKINGS
By Mike Watkins
At
recent annual meetings of the Association there has been discussion
about re-ordering a stock of the traditional squadron tie with its distinctive
black and red chevron design. This aroused my curiosity about the design's
origin which, after extensive research, I now feel able to explain by
reference to squadron aircraft markings over the years.
My
first thought was that, with its similarity to the tie of the Royal
Artillery, there might be a link related to the squadron's formation
in 1915 but that idea soon proved erroneous. I then contacted a member
of the Association who still has a squadron tie; he suggested that the
design was awarded by King George V1 in 1943 to commemorate his safe
journey in the York Ascalon to visit British forces in North Africa
and the Mediterranean. However I got in touch with Air Commodore John
Mitchell, navigator of the aircraft and extracts from whose excellent
memoirs have been serialised in recent Newsletters; he assured me that
on the morning of the flight's return to Northolt the crew were summoned
to Buckingham Palace and indeed received recognition but it took the
form of honours in the Royal Victorian Order. Finally I made contact
with the doyen of RAF squadron historians, Wing Commander Jeff Jefford,
who kindly provided much helpful information about squadron aircraft
markings. That advice, coupled with the result of many hours of fascinating
research in the National Archives at Kew, have enabled me to piece together
the range of markings displayed by 24 Squadron aircraft since 1915 which
in turn explain the origin of the chevron and thus the design of the
tie.
During
World War 1 squadrons used an identification system of white bars on
fuselage sides. For example the DH5s of 24 Squadron displayed a white
vertical bar between the cockpit and the roundel. The subsequent SE5A
had the stripe ahead of the cockpit, a design later changed to two bars,
one on each side of the roundel. By 1920 the number of active squadrons
had been dramatically reduced from a peak of 204 to a mere 29. Our squadron
was one of the survivors but it was not until sometime in the 20s that
the aircraft markings were significantly changed and the chevron design
emerged. The question then arises: who chose the design and why? The
answer appears to lie in a framed historical record on display in the
squadron corridor. Presented by the AOC-in-C Fighter Command on 18 July
1937 this recalls that in 1927 the then CO, Sqn Ldr W H L O'Neill who
was apparently somewhat eccentric, decided to identify his aircraft
with a black and red zigzag design on the fuselage and wings in accordance
with newly-permitted aircraft markings and in recognition of the fact
that 24 was the first ever fighter squadron. Fortunately a photograph
of this design on a Bristol fighter has survived and is also on display
in the corridor. I could find no record of why he chose that particular
design but I venture my own suggestion. The squadron was formed on 1
September 1915 from a nucleus of No 17 Squadron whose aircraft markings
were a zigzag design in black and white. Could it be that the CO adapted
this in black and red as a tribute to the squadron's origin?
Although
the principle of the design survived its display on fuselage sides did
not last long because the authorities apparently decided that, as 24
was now a communications rather than a fighter squadron, it should be
identified differently. This decision is confirmed by a remarkable letter
preserved in the National Archives. Dated 6 January 1928 it is an application
by Headquarters Air Defence of Great Britain (ADGB, the forerunner of
Fighter Command) to the Air Ministry seeking formal approval for a series
of squadron aircraft markings. Attached at Appendix A to the letter
which amazingly has survived is a large hand-produced and coloured diagram
showing the proposed markings for the squadrons under the command of
ADGB's subsidiary formation HQ Fighting Area; that for 24 Squadron displays
the black and red chevron on the fin and the same striped zigzag design
on the upper wing surfaces. Crucially however the design for 24 is unique
in excluding the fuselage zigzag. There is a note which specifies "national
markings only on fuselage" i.e. the RAF roundel. The letter states
that the markings "are already in use" but does not say since
when. The only reason the squadron had been included in the marking
scheme intended for fighters was that it happened to be located at Northolt
which was a HQ Fighting Area station.
This
application provoked considerable discussion in the Ministry and led
one Squadron Leader Weir to produce a highly complex counter-proposal
comprising combinations of horizontal, vertical, and oblique stripes
and symbols. The whole purpose of markings in those pre-radio days was
to enable pilots to recognise and reform with fellow squadron aircraft
after engagements; as the system had to be simple and memorable the
counter-proposal was seen to be impractical. On
30 November 1928 the Air Ministry gave formal approval to the Air Defence
HQ submission. The system for bombers was different; in 1929 the Ministry
ordered that those squadrons should display their squadron number on
the side of the fuselage, the colour to be red for A Flight, yellow
for B Flight, and blue for C Flight. These Flight colours had been instituted
by an Air Ministry Order in 1924, applied to all aircraft, and were
incorporated in painted wheel hubs, spinners, or radiators.
The
new markings for 24 Squadron proved to be short-lived. I came upon a
file in the Archives devoted exclusively to the squadron and containing
just two enclosures. On 1 August 1930 HQ ADGB wrote to the Ministry
pointing out that, as the unit was now a communications squadron, markings
for a fighter squadron were no longer appropriate. They sought approval
to retain the chevron on the fin but to dispense with the wing markings
and instead to adopt the bomber scheme with the squadron number on the
fuselage side; this proposal was approved. However there was to be another
pre-war change. In 1936 official squadron badges were introduced and
approval was given to display on aircraft the emblem which they incorporated;
this was to be framed within a spear for fighters, a grenade for bombers,
and a star for others. Thus it came to pass that the chevron on the
fin was replaced by the black fighting cock inside a star.
With
the approach of World War 2 squadron markings were replaced by two-symbol
codes. Our squadron was allocated several during the war: ZK, 2D, NQ.
These were initially retained post-war but Transport Command also introduced
four-letter codes denoting Command, aircraft type, squadron, and airframe,
later all prefixed by the letter M for military, and which also served
as the callsign. In mid-century transport aircraft timidly displayed
their squadron number inside a triangle on the fin. However variety
briefly appeared on the Hastings when this scheme was replaced by squadron
emblems, so that the black cock was again shown on the fin as it had
been pre-war.
Sadly
the advent of centralised servicing of the Hercules has resulted in
the demise of squadron markings. Fortunately there are many photographs
in the archives to recall the variety of markings used by 24 Squadron
in its long history. These include a Bristol F2B in use by the Prince
of Wales in 1928 with the chevron on the fin, a Tiger Moth displaying
the revision with the number 24 on the fuselage, and a rare Miles Nighthawk
showing the black cock on the fin in place of the chevron. For the record
I have produced a folder of photocopies of the relevant correspondence
from the National Archives together with a framed full-size copy of
the fighter squadron designs of 1928 for the squadron history room.
(see also photos on page 26 -27)
Michael
Watkins
Extract
from Group Captain Richardson's Diary - China
My
studies took a back scat when I joined Dick Patrick's crew for a 3 month
tour of the Far East and China. Dick was a larger than life Canadian
squadron leader. greatly experienced and decorated. We were to carry
the nine members of a British Trade Mission, all prominent in their
respective industries and led by Sir Leslie Boyce, the Lord Mayor of
London. A York was to accompany us to carry spare parts and engineers,
essentials in the primitive wilds of China just recovering from years
of Japanese occupation: not to mention the civil war as Chiang Kai Shek's
Government forces strove to repel the communist hordes led by Mao Se
Tung. We were to see plenty of action.
We
left Northolt on 29 September '46 bound for RAF Luqa in Malta which
still looked like a mixture of bomb site and scrapyard as the population
strove to rebuild their shattered island. We flew next day to Habbaniya,
50 miles from Baghdad in Iraq. 'Habb' was a green oasis of permanent
RAF station in the desert, resplendent with brick buildings, polo fields
and sports grounds. Another night stop and on to Karachi and Calcutta,
night stopping at each before flying on to Singapore for two nights.
These
flights all through large RAF stations brought home to me the extent
of the British Empire, just beginning then to disintegrate. We flew
over deserts, plains and jungles and between each of our stopping places
was a string of British military outposts. We flew sedately at about
8000 feet from where it was possible to see the ground below and observe
the activities there.
Changi,
our airfield on Singapore Island was a prestigious pre war Army HQ with
splendid buildings, clubs, swimming pools and every: other facility
imaginable. During the war, the Japs had used POW labour to construct
a short runway of steel planking over land reclaimed from a swamp. This
was just long enough for us to use but alarming to see it buckling ahead
of us after touchdown, making a terrible clatter in the process.
The
day off was a boon to me. The local village street was lined with shops
selling all manner of goods and I was able to buy some 'pukka' khaki
drill uniform to replace the awful RAF issue kit with which I had left
England. Then it was off to Hong Kong. banking over the notorious Changi
Gaol occupied by Jap POW's instead of the British and Commonwealth prisoners
who had suffered there.
In
England during the war the Japs were always pictured as small, weedy
men with glasses made from the bottom of Coca Cola bottles. The specimens
working in parties at Changi were tall and tough but very obedient to
the few British guards who were armed only with sticks and very loud
voices. Another illusion, fostered by propaganda was shattered.
Hong
Kong was also recovering. The Jap built runways were very short and
wholly unsuitable for lumbering big transports so Dick had to use all
his skill to put us down safely. We had only 2 nights there before flying
on to Shanghai where the main work of our mission began.
For
a week in Shanghai we were put up in the British Club. Lawns, a cricket
field (naturally). tennis courts and. of course. that indoor pool which
had been thoughtlessly drained before I jumped in. Life was good. We
explored the famous Bund alongside the Yangste and the equally famous
Long Bar about 300 feet of solid mahogany as well as the night clubs.
These were run mostly by Russian refugees and patronised by the international
set of business men who were all trying to grab more than their fair
share of China trade. Inflation was astronomical. It was said that if
you wanted a night out you needed to hire a second rickshaw to carry
the money; and inflation doubled almost every day. We were prepared
for this and used good old greenbacks the US dollar which I have always
found will take you anywhere. But 'we had to resist being given change
in Chinese dollars.
China
was suffering from a terrible famine (when hasn't there been one?) and
the streets were full of destitute people very few of whom lowered their
standards to beg. They were too proud. But in the early morning the
death carts were out picking up bodies from the pavements where they
had died overnight. For burial? No way, they were tipped into the river.
Before
leaving England we had been told that it would be necessary to carry
a personal sidearm in China. The issue .45 Webley revolver was heavy
and bulky and I managed to buy a neat little Browning .32 automatic
from a New Zealander for £5.00. You only had to produce this to
disperse the occasional gang of footpads which roamed the streets at
night. We were besieged constantly however by touts, pimping for the
brothels. One was so persistent following Nobby our engineer and I for
a mile describing his wares and their abilities in lurid detail. No.
we were not interested in any of the nationalities he offered: but did
he have an Eskimo we liked Eskimos. "Yes boss" he said eagerly
me have Eskimo velly clean girl, all pink inside same like Queen Victoria".
Is her name Nell? We're not interested unless her name is Nell"
Eventually he gave up and became abusive You no good you fluck off'.
No. you fluck off' said Nobby. producing his pistol and he did, fast.
Next
we flew to Nanking, Chiang's capital. We left the party there, returning
the aircraft to Shanghai where we could all be looked after in comparative
safety. At that time Nanking was troubled by communist infiltrators
and large bands of these brigands were concentrating just a few miles
away. Indeed we saw some action during our short stay there as a flight
of Nationalist Mustangs took off and we could hear their machine guns
firing as they strafed the communists.
It
was then that we truly understood for the first time how important loss
of face' is to a Chinaman. The Mustangs had taken off to the west into
wind but on their return. that wind had swung 180' and greatly increased
in strength. The pilots, all trained in the USA incidentally, followed
their leader into a fancy break and a landing pattern for the original
runway. We watched with interest (and a certain amount of horror) as
the leader floated down the wind and crashed in a heap at the far end
of the runway he would have lost face if he had overshot. Unbelievably
the other 5 followed suit (they would have lost face if they had not)
and only 3 got down in one piece. Expensive face!
Five
days later we returned to Nanking to retrieve the Mission. On the way,
Dick and I indulged ourselves with a little low flying - so low in fact
that the navigator, looking backwards, reported that the propellers
had marked 4 lines through the standing rice in the paddy fields. China's
civil airlines were crewed by westemers and a CNC Dakota, flying the
other way, saw us and asked "Who dat down there" in an American
drawl. We gave the traditional reply "who dat up there asking who
dat down here" to trigger his punch line "Yer ass must he
suckin mud, bud". Nanking was a shambles and the Government was
getting out. As we watched a shiny 4 engined DC4 Skyrnaster appeared,
taxiing erratically on 2 engines. About 300 yards away it swerved off
the taxy track into a deep monsoon ditch from which it clearly could
not be extricated. A jeep roared up and the occupants dragged a Young
officer out of the DC4, marched him over to the ditch, made him kneel,
and shot him in the back of the head.
That DC4 was Chiang's personal transport. Apparently he had asked for
it in a hurry but the crew could not be found. An unfortunate Mustang
pilot had been ordered to position theDC4 to -,aye time and it was he
who paid the ultimate penalty for maintaining face by not saying "What's
a DC4T' We bundled our party aboard and left in a hurry before we were
commandeered by Chiang.
Our
next destination was Tsingtao. All the city names by the way were those
current at the time. Mao changed them later so that few cities bear
the same name now. Tsingtao is on the coast of north east China and
we were put up in the Officers Club of the base for the US Seventh Fleet.
While
there we were invited to spend a day on the USS TARAWA, the aircraft
carrier which was the base for the splendid Tigercats I wrote about
earlier. My host took me to his cabin to show off his accommodation.
"It's a pity the US Navy is dry" he drawled rummaging under
his bunk and producing a large bottle of Coke. He poured a small measure
which was a lighter brown than coke and free from bubbles. It tasted
just like scotch - but I was made to suck a peppermint before leaving
the cabin!
An
incident in the club that night underlined how different we Brits are
from Americans even though we can converse without an interpreter. The
'Dooty Orficer' was a Commander, no less, and drinking heavily at the
bar. "Gee I hate these goddarn things" he screamed suddenly
drawing his Colt .45 and blazing away at a rat scuttling across the
floor. He missed the rat - and the people - but the odd thing was that
nobody seemed to think this behaviour was unusual.
Now
for the highlight. We had 12 days in Peking, seeing all the sights in
and around that splendid city. The open place in front of the Forbidden
City is known now to the world as Tiananmen Square where the massacre
of students and their supporters shocked the world. That shock would
be incomprehensible to the Chinese, particularly the older generation,
whose attitudes to life and death are totally opposed to ours.
We
shopped in the maze of narrow crowded streets in the old business quarter
just outside the city walls with their nine gates. I believe that progress*
has redeveloped that area which was then truly fascinating. The streets
were named after the produce they sold, so in Silk Street I bought lengths
of material for Joan to make into dresses and in Jade Street the stones
of that name set into gold filigree for which Peking was famous. Joan
still wears them
There
was at that time only one restaurant which was permitted to call itself
'The Peking Duck'. I have never found its equal. Entering, you chose
your duck from a pen and ate your first course from the bird's blood
shortly after sitting down. About 20 courses later you had eaten 4everything
but the quack*. I wonder if the restaurant is still there?
It
was an anti climax to arrive at Cheng Tu (or Chung Du). The airfield
was primitive and the town of about a million people had only one paved
street and no street lighting. We were now in western China far from
the more sophisticated east. Our accommodation was in the rest house
attached to the palace of the local war lord, a despot who ruled for
Chiang.
The
rooms were primitive but the loos Neanderthal. A row of 6 holes cut
in a stone stab over a noisome pit was reached by ducking through an
opening in the wall. I delayed as long as possible but eventually I
had to go. The first of the group to succumb. Quickly finishing I daren't
leave because over the door was poised the most alarming creature I'd
ever seen. A spider straight out of some nightmarish Hollywood epic
sat there, eyes on stalks swivelling to watch me. It was furry, about
the size of a dinner plate and had jaws which worked methodically.
My
shouts for help brought the navigator, Roy, who in turn brought my pistol.
My first shot missed - I swear the beast moved as I fired so I panicked
and loosed off another 3 before I hit it, making a nasty mess.
The
cannonade brought scores of Chinamen, one in particular, the gardener,
crying over the body. I had killed his pet, kept to kill the rats and
mice- We met it's mate and cringed as the gardener stroked it like a
cat while the loathsome creature gurgled with pleasure. And I took a
ribbing for missing a dinner plate at 6 feet!
II
was in Cheng Tu that another of life's strange coincidences occurred.
A party was arranged for us to meet the only 4 westerners, missionaries,
in this strange, dark and gloomy city. Only one was English - and he
had been at school with me, albeit in a class a couple of years ahead
of mine.
We
were dined in the 'palace', meeting once again the Chinese habit of
trying to make the guests drunk while staying sober themselves. This
was cunningly contrived by individual hosts standing up in turn to propose
a toast which all the Brits had to drink. We drank to the King, Churchill,
and a flock of English-sounding names we didn't recognise, eventually
getting our own back by proposing Chiang time and time again.
Now
the Chinese can't take their liquor as well as westerners can so I was
suspicious to see them cold sober while we were beginning to giggle.
We were all drinking rice wine, poured out of teapots and becoming increasingly
warm as the meal progressed. Dick tasted his neighbour's and, finding
it to be tea, made a speech and suggested we all changed pots. Consternation.
We won by several pots.
Even
the palace toilet arrangements were primitive. I was guided by a servant
with a flaming torch to an opening in a hut where I had to shuffle along
2 planks and squat to perform before shuffling out backwards. Visiting
the site the next day. I was delighted with the beauty of the garden
but appalled at the state of the worm eaten planks below which appeared
to be a bottomless pit. Back to constipation.
Kunming
next, 5000 feet up and the Chinese terminal for the famous air lift
over 'The Hump' from India as well as for freight along the Burma Road.
It was a lawless place where we left our quarters only as a group and
then armed.
When
it was time to leave we couldn't start No. 3 engine and we had no spare
starter motor. On our own, Dick and I taxied at speed until the slipstream
turned the propeller to start the engine. Dangerous but effective and
so we were able to go on to Chung King, the new capital. To reach the
city from the airfield we were driven at breakneck speed in a ramshackle
bus over a mountain spur to the city which is built on the side of the
hill. The more we shouted at the driver to slow down the faster he drove.
Loose surface, hairpin bends and sheer drops of 1000 feet did not deter
him: he was fireproof too because his cab was partitioned from the body
so we couldn't get at him to take over. Pistol shots only made him go
faster so it was a great relief to thunder at last into the city scattering
coolies and livestock in all directions.
All
along the road we had passed families going to the market in single
file. In front strode father carrying only a stick or staff. His wife
followed with a yoke over her shoulders on the arms of which were balanced
ducks or fowls, often 3 or 4 a side. Then a big fat porker pushed along
in a barrow by the No1 son, with the rest of the family bringing up
the rear laden with vegetables. These were scenes unchanged probably
for thousands of years, the peasants completely oblivious to the noise
of vehicles or aircraft.
In
Chungking, exploring, we heard weird music coming from a building made
of corrugated iron and found it was a dance hall where the young bloods
in western dress were thumping around the floor with more energy than
expertise. As we entered, the band broke into a discordant version of
that old American folk tune "I've been working on the railroad*'.
Owlish young ladies grabbed us (status kick?) to parade solemnly around
the floor holding us at arms length. It was hilarious but we daren't
laugh as half the population of the city had entered to watch the "white
devils' perform and face had to be saved. After the hand had played
what was clearly their only western tune about six times we took our
leave with much bowing and hissing of pleasure. The Chinese have little
regard for human life - but their manners are splendid and they will
laugh at anything which is vaguely amusing.
Hankow,
then back to Shanghai, this time 2 weeks in the Park Hotel. It was in
the dusty open space opposite from which the hotel took its name that
we saw another example of the Chinese sense of humour. A number of important
looking men were flourishing bows and arrows and waving wads of notes
at each other (the Chinese are great gamblers). When the bets were made
they took turns to shoot at moving targets which proved to be coolies
wearing a protective shield of thick straw. The winner seemed to be
the sportsman who shot through the unprotected ankle of one of the targets:
we left.
Nanking
again, back to Shanghai, then on to Taihoku in Formosa (now called Taipeh
in Taiwan). The Japanese names were still in use in 1946 as Formosa
had been occupied by the Japs for about 50 years. We were in luxury
now, living in the Emperors summer retreat which the Chinese were using
as a VIP hotel. We bathed Japanese style, soaped and washed and massaged
en masse by delightful little topless beauties who were totally overcome
by the very large and manly Dick. The contrast between this Japanese
luxury which the poorer and scruffier Chinese were now enjoying and
the primitive conditions we had experienced in inland China- was so
marked that we agonised at the prospect of return to Canton and Hong
Kong.
We
were offered ladies to share our beds. or rather the thin straw mats
which separated our bodies from the straw floor. Since we were sleeping
all 5 crew in one room this very kind and solicitous offer was declined:
all 5 would have been far too noisy, and less than 5. anti social. So
we lay, chaste, listening to the senior Chinese official on the other
side of the wall (straw naturally). This mandarin had a bed, presumably
to show the superiority of the conqueror - which was a laugh since the
conquering bit was an American / British show. I don't know where they
had found the bed which had all the hallmarks of a very old, rusty,
squeaky RAF bed. But the Chinaman was making music from the springs
mid every time he reached the vinegar strokes he was encouraged by subdued
cheers from us. Instead of deterring him this inspired him to greater
efforts and we had to give him 10 out of 10 for application.
The
Taihoku runway was only 1000 yards of rough gravel with a hill at one
end and a river at the other. Our arrival had been exciting our departure
is something I prefer to forget. But 10 days in 'Honkers' allowed us
to recover.
While
we were there a friendly police inspector took a couple of us along
on one of his nightly brothel raids, hauling out the sailors and any
other uniformed clients. He made a remark to one army officer caught
on the job which I have always treasured. "Next time, sir, chalk
your rank on the sole of your boots so we can pull you off respectfully".
Lots
of last minute sightseeing, the best of which was to escape from the
crowds by walking up on The Peak with that magnificent view all around.
Some of us took a day trip to Macao - the tiny Portuguese island a short
ferry ride away - where the tourist attractions were casinos and brothels:
the brothels put on the best floor show. Dick laid on a final party
for us in the Peninsular Hotel which was then the colony's best. For
some reason the management did not approve of our after dinner races
on tin trays down the stairs onto the marble hallway. Nor did our bodies.
The
Mission also threw a farewell dinner where I over indulged. Running
to catch the last ferry from Hong Kong island back to Kowloon I misjudged
the distance to jump to join the gang already aboard and landed in the
harbour. Luckily a motor boat was nearby and the occupants fished me
out and took me across for a few dollars. Apparently the distance I
thought was about 2 feet was nearer 20. So why were my friends shouting
at me to jump? They had overindulged too!
As
they used to say at the end of American travelogues "It is with
infinite regret in our hearts that we have to say farewell to
"
The married among us were pleased to be going home, laden with loot,
but I was loath to go. 'Mere was the promise of a job to fly Daks with
CTC based in Hong Kong but I abandoned thoughts of that when I examined
their accident record. At that time there were no navigational or airfield
aids in the whole of China other than a couple of American radio beacons.
On Christmas Eve, that year, sudden fog blanketed eastern China and
several aircraft crashed with great loss of life. We had succeeded because
the weather was mostly favourable while we were there and both Dick
and Roy were aces at their jobs. So we left for Bangkok, laden with
cheap cigarettes with which to barter for jewels.
Don Muang airfield was as primitive then as any in China. We had to
bed down in basha huts where the mosquito nets we slept under were to
protect us not from flies but from black widow spiders which infested
the straw roof and plopped onto our nets all night- We were glad to
leave, going through Calcutta to stay in Delhi.
We
approached Dum Dum airfield, Calcutta, following a Pan Am Constellation
which had to overshoot when a RAF Anson cut inside him. Round again
we both went. with the Anson slow to clear the runway. On final approach
the Conny captain spoke: "If you don't get that 2 fan, 1 fin pip-squeak
off of that goddarn runway ah'm gonna drive mah 4 fan 3 fin heavy commercial
ship right up your ass." The Anson moved.
Dum
Dum was a dangerous airfield. The Hindu burning ghats (human funeral
pyres) were close to the airfield and sleepy well fed vultures the size
of turkeys soared in the warm air currents. You had to dodge them. On
a subsequent flight through there we saw a Liberator which had bit one
on approach to land, the bird coming in through the co-pilot's windscreen
and removing his head.
The
only danger at Palam, the big RAF station in Delhi, came from the mess
curries which were lethal. Truly, Delhi belly is a disorder you wouldn't
wish on your worst enemy. But not as lethal as the sights I saw in 1948
when I flew out there to bring out the last Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten.
Around the airfield there must have been a million Moslems, patiently
waiting to board one of the fleet of RAF aircraft which would fly them
to the new Pakistan. You could see clearly from the air the perimeter
of the crowd changing shape as bands of marauding Sikhs waded in with
knives and machetes. The loss of life to both sides during the partition
of India has never been quantified, it was sickening to see some of
it. On that occasion Mountbatten decided to stay on and we flew out
the Moslem members of his staff clutching their pathetic possessions.
These included a live cockerel which escaped from inside the sari of
the lady carrying him and flew around the inside the aircraft crowing
and shitting profusely. At Karachi they kissed the oily tarmac. *'And
that was the best landing you've done for ages" cracked the nav.
But
partition was still some time away and Karachi was still in India. We
left there for the 12 hour haul to Cairo with a day there to see the
sights and have a drink in the famous Shepherds Hotel (it was burned
down later). A story is often told of a famous RAF character, the Earl
of Banden (better known as the abandoned Earl) who, as a Group Captain
during the war, was drinking there having just arrived from the desert
sweaty, dusty and without rank braid. A haughty Army Lt. Colonel rebuked
him and being told to go away, pompously said "I'll have you know
I'm Lt. Col Sir Something or other Bart. Paddy gave him a bleary eye
and replied "And I'm Group Captain the Earl of Banden, which has
got you beat on both counts". And so to the 19th of December and
the last leg - the 12 hour haul to Northolt, though first we had to
fly low past the pyramids for the benefit of the photographers. Approaching
the south coast we flew into thick cloud, a phenomenon which always
seemed to greet me on subsequent homecomings. Northolt radar was off
the air, it was snowing hard, and Dick was making tight low circuits
trying to line up with the runway which was becoming obscured by the
snow. Waiting to take off was a Dakota and I could see that his wings
were being covered while he was held on the ground to give us priority.
After we landed and had cleared the runway, I caught a glimpse of the
Dak disappearing into the snowstorm at an alarming angle. ---He's had
it" I cried. And the paper the next day had photographs of the
aircraft perched on the roof of a Ruislip house onto which he had stalled.
There was only one passenger aboard who was unfortunately killed: the
crew survived unhurt. Some homecoming. But what a trip.
It
would be 3 months before I flew abroad again - 7 times to Moscow in
succession. A long Christmas leave was fun and my gifts from the Orient
greatly appreciated. Not so my endless prattling about what I had seen
and done, Joan in particular bearing the brunt as the pints went down.
She would get some relief after other trips though she was too much
of a lady to complain. Perhaps it had something to do with her accepting
the offer of a date providing I promised not to mention China.
.
A Good Read
A HISTORY OF XXIV
Sometime 'of the
Royal Flying Corps and later of the Royal Air Force
BY
CAPTAIN A. E. ILLINGWORTH
AND APPENDICES COMPILED
BY
MAJOR V. A. H. ROBESON,
M.C.,
WITH A FOREWORD BY
AIR MARSHAL SIR H. M. TRENCHARD, Bart.,
K.C.B., D.S.O.
Dedicated to those of No. 24 Squadron who laid down their Lives in the
Service of their Country.
PRINCIPAL BATTLE HONOURS.
The Battles of the Somme, 1916.
The Advance to the Hindenburg Line, 1917.
The Retreat from St. Quentin. 1918.
The Defence of Amiens, 1918.
The Battles of the Advance from Amiens, 1918.
including
The Storming of the Hindenburg Line, and The Crossing of the Lane of
the Sambre-Oise Canal.
IT
FELL to my lot to command No. 24 Squadron during the very strenuous
year 1918, and with the signing of the Armistice it became clear that
the time had arrived to collect into some permanent form the crowded
history of the Squadron's career, before its members had been scattered
to the four winds, arid all this wealth of incident and reminiscence
lost. I was under no illusion as to the magnitude of the undertaking,
but the public-spirited action of the Officers' Mess in raising the
initial funds at once gave the project a real impetus, and placed it
upon a practical basis which did much to ensure its final fulfilment.
I do not, however, pretend to literary talents, and I resolved from
the first to act merely in the capacities of tabulator of information
and trustee of the Squadron's memory. Subsequently, through the good
offices of Lieut.-Colonel L. W. B. Rees, V.C., R.A.F., I was able to
ask Captain A. E. Illingworth, R.A.F., to undertake the authorship of
the volume, a request to which he very generously acceded.
Although he was not directly connected with No. 24 Squadron, his previous
writings gave promise that he would see the world and the War through
our eyes; he had, in addition, the advantage of viewing each period
in a truer perspective than could be expected of anyone who had himself
served with the Squadron for a part only of its existence. To him the
Squadron, past and future, owes a deep debt of gratitude for the months
of time and thought that he has expended upon the work, and the able
manner in which he has accomplished a most difficult task.
Yet another benefactor appeared in Captain R. H. M. S. Saundby, M.C.,
R.A.F., who kindly offered us the choice of the wonderful pictures in
his book, "Flying Colours," which he made whilst serving with
"No. 24 "; and further, he was instrumental in securing the
kindly co-operation of Mr. E. G. Salmon, of the Aeroplane and General
Publishing Co., Ltd., who has done much to facilitate our progress.
Sergeant ]. W. Welch's contribution, "A Chronological Inquisitor,",
provided a means of recording the many trifling incidents which did
so much to form the happy associations which all old members retain
for "No. 24," and which expense would have debarred me from
printing in a more lengthy form.
Brevity has, indeed, been essential throughout in order to keep the
volume within reasonable financial limits. A glance at the appendices
at the end of the book will show the impossibility of attempting to
do justice to individual officers and men short of reproducing the entire
twelve volumes of the Squadron Record Book, and much more besides.
Each may feel that he made his own special contribution to the Squadron's
quota of labours and sacrifices for the Empire ; whether he was a pilot
facing the unlimited possibilities of the air, or a mechanic engaged
in the ceaseless and comparatively uninspiring work of "keeping
the machines in the air," each may look back with pride on what
was achieved. . It is hoped that this book may serve to recall stirring
memories to each one of those who survived, and at least be a silent
tribute to those who so gallantly laid down their lives. I must crave
indulgence for any small in exactitudes or omissions from the appendices,
especially in the case of events prior to my joining the Squadron. This
was a most difficult part of the work, as it was only natural that the
earlier records should be in a slightly less " set " form
than the later ones, and that, here and there, papers should have been
lost or destroyed in the oft-recurring moves. I have arranged the roll
of personnel in the highest rank each held in the Squadron and according
to the date of posting to, and length of service with the Unit. Officers
are arranged by flights, but, much, to my regret, the information at
my disposal was insufficient to enable me similarly to arrange other
ranks.
Unfortunately
the list of addresses is not so complete as I could have wished. In
this connection I hope that all who are not already included, or who
change their place of residence, will send me their permanent addresses,
in order to facilitate annual re-unions, such as that inaugurated in
London on April 12th, 1919. Further, 1 would ask the senior members
of the old Squadron in each town or district, either himself, or at
least through a deputy, to organise a local annual re-union dinner.
I feel that this is the only way that these occasions can be kept up
effectively, and I shall be only too pleased to supply members with
such addresses as 1 receive, for this purpose. A very little effort
on the part of a few of our members would serve to preserve the bond
of fellowship and would give to many others in the neighbourhood a chance
of occasionally meeting old friends and drinking to " Happy days."
It has been a rare honour to serve the memory of such a Squadron, and
I should like to pay a special, if brief and inadequate, tribute to
the willing work of those who served in it during 1918, and to their
cheerful bearing in those days of unprecedented pressure. At that time
all Squadrons were feeling the shortage of men, and I do not think that
we ever approached within ten of our normal establishment, whilst at
the signing of the Armistice we were 26 men under strength-a deficit
which was felt in every rank. For the spirit with which these little
difficulties, together with the heavier burdens, were borne, much is
due to the 25 N.C.O's. and men who, on November 11th, 1918, represented
all that was left of the original Squadron that came out from England,
and who did so much to hand down the traditions initiated by the late
Major Hawker, V.C. For them and for all others who served under my command
in No. 24 Squadron I have the deepest regard and gratitude for the generous
and whole-hearted support I received at all times, and I wish them,
one and all, the very best of success in their future walks in life.
In conclusion, 1 would like to tender my grateful thanks to those who
contributed to this work, and to my office staff for many hours of work
in connection with the tabulation of details, both before and since
the Squadron broke up.
V Robson, 1st July, 1920. Royal Air Force Club, 128, Piccadilly, London,
W.
John
Mitchells account of his VIP flying with the Prime Minister, Winston
Churchill in 1943 continues in this ninth instalment.
VARIOUS
ASPECTS OF SECURITY AND SAFETY
Over shadowing everything
else was the security of the Prime Minister himself and his immediate
entourage. Home base of the aircraft at Northolt was assumed to be secure,
although apart from the RAF Police at the Main Gate, 1 can recall no
reinforcement by armed servicemen or any system of control of access
to the York hangar. The perimeter wire of the airfield was hopelessly
insecure. Included in the entourage or 'circus' as it was irreverently
known, was the PM's personal detective, complete with shoulder holster
containing a massive 45 Colt. He was said to have fired it only once,
I believe, through his own foot. Thank God he didn't fire it whilst
on board. Abroad he was a bit of an anomaly really. The security of
the aircraft and passengers would be completely in the hands of local
Forces, however inefficient these might be, wherever we went: the solitary
Metropolitan Policeman in trilby and trench coat (plus a 45 Colt in
an underarm holster) was of doubtful value in North Africa or Persia!
The Prime Minister's
life might, however, have been endangered by the compromise of diplomatic
signals to Commands and Embassies abroad giving his movement plans,
or RAF operating signals giving the proposed flight plan and timings.
Such a compromise might have given the chance of fighter interception
either on entering or leaving the UK, or on an overseas landing ground
where a lone armed reconnaissance flight might have made a one off attack.
An accidental security
breach over the aircraft's future movements occurred at Maison Blanche
(Algiers) on 4th June 1943. Just before departure for Gibraltar that
afternoon, prior to a night crossing of the Bay homebound, the local
RAF PRO thrust into the hands of the unsuspecting Jack Payne (last on
board before shutting the door) a package for urgent despatch to London
evidently scoop pictures of the PM's tour from the War Correspondents
for publication at home. The ADC noticed the incident and enquired what
the package was all about. It transpired that the PRO had already approached
Tommy Thompson who had flatly refused to have anything to do with it,
denying him any information on our future movements particularly that
we were homeward bound.
There was considerable
disquiet on return both within No 10 and the Air Ministry (Leslie Howard's
plane had only recently been shot down between Lisbon and Bristol) as
to the extent of knowledge in Algiers about the PM's movements. Rockets
were delivered all round. In the event, it was the sheer zeal of the
PRO that give rise to the incident. But it was a bit of a reminder of
the risk and the CinC Transport Command was told to issue instructions
that no stranger even in uniform was to be allowed access to the aircraft
at home or abroad unless on specific duty. Overseas HQs were sternly
reminded of their own security liabilities over the PM's future movements,
as well as for his physical security.
In the UK the number
of people of the RAF side 'in the know' was kept to a minimum. 1 have
already mentioned the system by which the Captain and myself took our
charts to the Cabinet Office when summoned. With the ADC (Commander
Tommy Thompson RN) we would go over the route, working backward from
the times of arrival at each major stopping place called for by the
programme, and so working out the latest time and date we would have
to leave Northolt. This was then converted into a request to the Chief
of Air Staff from No 10 to have the York available and with a timetable
that we knew was operationally workable, assuming reasonable weather.
This plan then went to the Commander in Chief Transport Command and
his SASO Air Vice Marshal Brackley, who was particularly well experienced
in long distance passenger flying from Imperial Airways days. From SAOS
to the Captain, the loop was closed with a minimum of others involved
at command or any other level. At Northolt only the Station Commander
was told, personally, by SASO.
Of course, as soon
as a flight was 'laid on' (and the York was used for other VIPs only
with the PM's express permission) it would be evident that something
was afoot. Until we got our own fuel bowser, a 2.000 gallon tanker had
to be driven over from Hendon prior to take off, for the aircraft could
not stand fully loaded with fuel for long periods. The linen and blankets,
crockery and glass had to be brought out from the store in the Officers'
Mess on the day of the flight. Above all, rations, including drink from
the NAAFI, had to be gathered. It would seem to involve a lot of people
at comparatively low levels, but they kept their mouths shut. I think
we were less afraid of leaks from those with whom we worked on a day
to day basis than we were from those on the fringe who like to be in
the know and to display their knowledge. Only when the local inhabitants
of Hillingdon and Uxbridge were woken by the roar of our take off in
the middle of the night did a few outside the boundary of the airfield
guess that someone important was leaving the UK.
Our security overseas
lay in the hands of the RAF and the Army wherever we were the 'occupying
power' either by liberation, i.e. in North Africa and Italy Persia and
Greece were to be somewhat shakier, or by colonial occupation as in
Egypt, Malta and Gibraltar. But however secure our landing ground, an
air attack could not be entirely ruled out wherever we were in range
of either a lone armed reconnaissance plane or a coup de main SAS type
airborne raid. The PM's illness in Tunisia at Christmas'43 was a good
example of such a risk and precautions were taken by both suitable operational
deployments and by deception plans in support of the idea that the PM
was elsewhere. Our security in such places as Moscow and Turkey (Adana)
was dependent entirely on our hosts and there was little we could do
but keep an eye on the aircraft itself. At least two of the crew always
slept on board.
There was also a
security aspect to our catering when we were abroad. Sometimes the PM's
presence in an overseas command would be known to the top echelons of
command only, at least initially. Rations had to be ordered via an ADC
or a Private Secretary: we need raw food supplies to supplement our
basic stock ex UK. Fresh game, meat and fresh vegetables, not to mention
clean water in our tanks. The PM wanted freshly cooked meals not re
heated rations or sandwiches which evidently satisfied the President
and his entourage. In Cairo we were particularly lucky in that the Head
of the RAF Air Movements Section was one Wing Commander Teddy Smouha,
a prewar British resident of Cairo and Alexandria. He knew his way around
and the aircraft was always well rationed. In Teheran we stocked up
with wild duck and quail, whilst from Moscow the Owner was able to feed
on supplies of caviar and smoked fish, supplied through the Embassy.
We had to be particularly careful of contamination, not least over water
not that many of the passengers used it for anything but washing. We
had a professional RAF chef in Sgt Jock Duncan but there was always
the risk that the PM could have been poisoned, deliberately or accidentally:
there was no 'Official Taster' in the crew because we were fortunate
enough to share some of these delicacies we could have all gone down
together!
THE PM'S EXPANDING
REQUIREMENTS
February and March
were slack periods for the PM's aircraft, although we ourselves invariably
reverted to Squadron duty in other aircraft at Hendon, 24 Squadron's
base, whenever there was to be an obvious gap in the PM's requirements.
But no flying did
not mean that the Owner would lose interest in his private aircraft.
Northolt was conveniently located adjacent to the A40 route to No 10
and Chequers, and vice versa. At least twice in this slack period the
Flight was to be visited with no warning by the PM 'dropping in' to
see what was going on. On one particular morning, with only Jack Payne
around the engine fitters working on the engines, the PM drove straight
to the hanger (1 think the Station Commander must have been away for
the Guard Room alerted no one down the chain of command that the PM
was on the airfield). Apparently, he got out of the car and looked at
the York, which was on the grass, and gossip says that he 'made himself
comfortable' in the solitude of the aircraft's main undercarriage. Evidently,
certain engine cowlings were off at the ceiling panels of the main cabin
down (probably removed to inspect the control runs). Without saying
a word to anyone, the PM drove on to No 10 Downing Street where his
remark that. 'It looked as if someone had thrown a bomb in my aircraft"
was treated with a most positive interpretation. That afternoon, a posse
of RAF Police arrived (not Jack's favourite branch of the Service) to
enquire into the 'bombing' of the aircraft. They retired as quickly
as they arrived, reassured that all was well.
On another occasion,
when the PM called by this time intercepted by the Station Commander,
Group Captain R J (Dick) Legg, and together they inspected the York.
The PM saw one of the fitters standing on top of the main undercarriage
wheel, reaching into the bay behind the inner engine, into which the
wheel would retract in flight. "What is that man doing?" was
one of the many rather brusque inquiries about the maintenance activities.
Before Dick Legg had time to give a layman's probable explanation, the
PM said 'Have him do it from the inside, it seems dangerous to stand
on the wheel!".
From our experience
of the first six months operation of 'Ascalon' it was clear we needed
a bigger and better aircraft. On the Owner's side, he clearly thoroughly
enjoyed flying in reasonable, if noisy, comfort (compared with his earlier
experiences in frightful discomfort of the Liberator 'Commando'). He
could now visit all sorts of places, often at short notice, in Europe,
the Middle East or Russia. He could change his mind at will and had
the means at his immediate beck and call. But he could only hop over
to see his friend the President (something he clearly wished to do for
a deux sessions) if he used the Boeing Clipper of BOAC. Such an aircraft
was obviously not at his immediate disposal: BOAC had only three of
these flying boats and when one was commandeered the transatlantic air
link to the US was reduced by at least a third! Thus he really needed
his own personal aircraft to be capable of such journeys; and this the
York 'Ascalon' clearly would not do, however modified.
From an operating
point of view, Collins, our Captain, had quickly seen that when we carried
full fuel tanks in the York, giving us say 12 hours flying only enough
really for Northolt to Algiers non stop with a margin of safety, then
our payload in terms of passengers would always be heavily restricted.
The York's basic military construction was simply too heavy to allow
any development of its range and payload. The beautiful Merlin engines,
perfections of engineering in themselves, were never designed for long
haul cruising flight at low revolutions and economic power settings.
They were designed to be thrashed in bursts at full power, as in a Lancaster
Bomber, without too much regard for petrol consumption. Sadly, in the
years before the war, because of short-sighted Air Staff design requirements
in both fighter and bomber aircraft, British designers had never been
encouraged to build the potential for longer range into future aircraft,
or their engines. Our outlook then and indeed all through the war was
for short range interceptor fighters the Spitfire to defend only our
shores, and for bombers to go no further than Germany's eastern frontiers.
Even the transport and passenger aircraft for the civil Empire routes
had progressed in stages to India and the Far East and had no trans
oceanic capability. Hence the parlous state of the British civil aircraft
industry in post war years; which produced such monstrosities as the
Avro Tudor (still based on bomber wings and engines) and the Handley
Page Hastings and Hermes, Sir Frederick Handley Page's so called 'answer'
to the American Douglas DC6 and Lockheed Constellations.
However to return
to 1944. Our Owner's expanding requirement coincided with our envious
inspection of US aircraft we encountered abroad and our discussions
with Roosevelt's crew of the 'Sacred Cow' a Douglas C54, the military
version of the civil DC4. This was the aircraft we wanted. It was now
in mass production at the Douglas factory at Santa Monica, California,
and ten of these aircraft were going to be made available to the RAF
under Lease Lend in 1944. These aircraft were being produced as freighter
cum troop transports. A bare military shell could be fitted out to VIP
standards in the UK. probably at Messrs Armstrong Whitworth Aircraft
Company at Coventry who were the builders of the Ensign, the only large
civil monoplane airliner in service in 1938 39.
Our ideas did not
take much selling to No 10 where our entr6e was via Commander C R Thompson,
the ADC or, as the PM preferred to call him, the 'Flag Commander'. (Tommy
had been Churchill's Flag Lieutenant in the Great War when First Lord
of the Admiralty). Tommy quickly saw the solution - an 'Ascalon' type
of interior which basically provided what the PM needed: (i.e. a personal
suite, a conference cum dining saloon, adequate galley and toilets and
comfortable accommodation for the family circus) with most important
of all, the trans Atlantic range of a Skymaster.
In October '43,
Tommy minuted the CAS, outlining the PM's need for an aircraft of much
greater range than the York, specifically referring to the Douglas (C54)
Skymaster, now known to be in quantity production in America. There
had been no need for any sales pressure from Ascalon's crew! During
the early months of 1944 Bill Fraser drew up, on 'Dad' Collins' instructions,
fairly detailed interior accommodation plans for such an aircraft, based
on the York layout. There were discussed with No 10 and in March'44
Tommy sent them to CAS, having also offered the PM's help in making
a bid for the aircraft, direct to the President, if need be. But there
were to be no great problem. A formal bid was made through Lease Lend
channels from CAS to General 'Hap' Amold, Chief of the USAF, via the
RAF Delegation in Washington for the first of ten C54's allocated to
the RAF for operations in the Far East to be diverted for Mr Churchill's
use. I am sure the request would have had presidential backing. By rnidsummer'44,
the PM could say that "Mr Roosevelt had given him an aircraft".
So it came about that No 100 off the production line from the Douglas
Aircraft Corpn's plant at Santa Monica came to be delivered to us at
Northolt on 10th June by Wing Commander Willie Biddell of the Dorval
Ferry Squadron, to be registered as EW 999 in the RAF.
As we anticipated,
Messrs Armstrong Whitworth were considered the most experienced civil
aircraft builders in the UK at the time. Their 'Ensign' aircraft, which
had been delivered to Imperial Airways shortly before the war for the
Empire routes, had remained in service on transport support duties for
the war effort mainly in West and Central Africa. Their very unsatisfactory
Armstrong Siddeley 'Tiger' engines had been exchanged for US built Wright
'Cyclone' engines which then made them a worthwhile aircraft, though
of limited range. Inevitably, the Ministry of Aircraft Production was
involved on the design and the supervision of the building of the new
interior. But Jimmy Lloyd, the Chief Designer of AWA had far more experience
than the MAP civil servants.
Not surprisingly,
the staff of this new branch had never been in the civil aircraft business,
nor indeed had they any flying experience. So it was the PM's crew with
a year's experience of operating 'Ascalon', and of coping with Mr Churchill's
likes and dislikes, who provided the basic layout that No 10 wished
to be followed. The requirement was primarily to provide the PM with
an enhanced private air yacht, of considerable endurance (some 20 hours
safe), on which he could live and work, in the air or on the ground,
if need be. A proper galley was now essential, complete with electric
cooker and refrigerator so that meals could be provided from raw materials
wherever the aircraft was victual led. Something more advanced than
A V Roe's hay box in the York was required! Similarly, increased water
storage, adequate toilet facilities with H and Q had to be provided.
On the operational side, although these aircraft were very well designed
for long range flying it was essential to provide certain RAF radio
communication and navigation facilities. We had to be self-sufficient
in electric power, when on the ground, to start engines without any
local facilities. We therefore had specified a small on board petrol
generator.
Accommodation was
planned in three classes. First class for the PM in his Stateroom, en
suite. provision was made for an extra bed (bunk) in his quarters, should
Mrs C ever travel with him overnight (she didn't). Second Class accommodation,
for the immediate entourage, Cabinet Ministers, Chiefs of Staff and
the Secretariat was laid out in the style of an American Pullman sleeper;
that is made up from coup6 seats, making the most comfortably wide beds
overnight compete with little curtains, in two bays of four bunks each.
Third Class was for the Detective and Valet whose sleeping arrangements
were folding bunks, ingeniously retracting into the ceiling of the main
saloon. (Both, in fact, preferred the more immediate convenience of
the Saloon's reclining chairs not least because Mr C's requirements
occurred at all hours of the night).
It was not surprising
that the production of this new interior, still luxurious even by modem
standards, was slow. The bureaucratic methods of these particular departments
in MAP had not been vitalised by Beaverbook. Numerous committees were
to sit to decide colour schemes, the curtaining and blackout arrangements
etc, but what was probably more difficult to handle was the very availability
of materials in the middle of the War.
The Sarcophagus,
the pressure chamber for the PM was also resurrected within MAP but
we knew enough about the Owner to laugh this one out of court before
it embarrassed the interior designers. It was not finally abandoned,
on the files, until May 1945! Supposing the egg itself suffered decompression!